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A real, shortened passage with three questions from the bank to give you a flavour of the real thing.
Between Law and Liberty - Shortened
We believe that the general public, even if they are unfamiliar with the statutory and administrative detail, accept the need for enforcement of the drugs law. Some witnesses took the view that this difficult and disagreeable work had led to a general deterioration in relations between public and police. We accept that among some young people, not all of them with an interest in drugs, it has given rise to hard feelings. That, most of us think, argues not for any fundamental change in this essential branch of law enforcement, but for examining very closely its detailed application where there may be scope for malpractices which could give rise to a genuine sense of injustice.
It is helpful to understand the background against which this sense of injustice may arise. For a variety of reasons young people resent or distrust police activities, however well-intentioned towards their welfare. Existing drugs law in the United Kingdom, as in most other countries, is based on control of availability and restriction of supply and possession without authority. Thus the young person in possession of illicit drugs remains vulnerable to police action for much longer periods than if he were committing criminal offences of the more conventional kinds. He may also imperil friends or associates who in a raid may be found near his illegal drugs. This widens the scope for suspicion. Conversely, it makes it more necessary that the police should be fair and be seen to be fair. Many young people, according to some evidence before us, suppose that the police are too easily moved to suspect them of being drug offenders from their appearance, such as long hair and unconventional dress. What justifies “reasonable” suspicion has been a major issue in our discussions.
Adapted from Powers of Arrest and Search in Relation to Drug Offences, Advisory Committee on Drug Dependence (Home Office), HMSO, 1970.
Between Law and Liberty - Shortened
We believe that the general public, even if they are unfamiliar with the statutory and administrative detail, accept the need for enforcement of the drugs law. Some witnesses took the view that this difficult and disagreeable work had led to a general deterioration in relations between public and police. We accept that among some young people, not all of them with an interest in drugs, it has given rise to hard feelings. That, most of us think, argues not for any fundamental change in this essential branch of law enforcement, but for examining very closely its detailed application where there may be scope for malpractices which could give rise to a genuine sense of injustice.
It is helpful to understand the background against which this sense of injustice may arise. For a variety of reasons young people resent or distrust police activities, however well-intentioned towards their welfare. Existing drugs law in the United Kingdom, as in most other countries, is based on control of availability and restriction of supply and possession without authority. Thus the young person in possession of illicit drugs remains vulnerable to police action for much longer periods than if he were committing criminal offences of the more conventional kinds. He may also imperil friends or associates who in a raid may be found near his illegal drugs. This widens the scope for suspicion. Conversely, it makes it more necessary that the police should be fair and be seen to be fair. Many young people, according to some evidence before us, suppose that the police are too easily moved to suspect them of being drug offenders from their appearance, such as long hair and unconventional dress. What justifies “reasonable” suspicion has been a major issue in our discussions.
Adapted from Powers of Arrest and Search in Relation to Drug Offences, Advisory Committee on Drug Dependence (Home Office), HMSO, 1970.
In answering critics of drug enforcement, the writer mainly argues that:
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Twelve passages of argument with three or four questions each, and four options on every question. It tests whether you can follow an argument closely: what it concludes, how it gets there, what it implies and what it takes for granted.
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Yes. Every passage set is built to the shape of Section A: a passage of argument from one of the seven subject areas the test draws on, three or four questions on it, four options and one defensible answer. Mocks run twelve passages and 42 questions in 95 minutes, then the essay in 40, on a screen laid out like the one at the test centre with the same tools.
Write an essay under the real 40-minute clock, then ask for it to be marked. It is marked instantly against our LNAT essay criteria, and you can switch the result to the criteria Oxford and Cambridge have released. You get a band on our own scale, a rating and a comment on each criterion, and the changes that would lift the essay most. Full access includes 10 markings a month on Monthly, or 2 a week on Weekly. Universities read your real essay themselves, so treat the band as a guide to improving it rather than a prediction.
Quick-fire drills for the reading skills the LNAT leans on most: finding a main conclusion, drawing a conclusion, and applying a principle. Each is a short passage with one question and 90 seconds on the clock, in sets of 5, 10 or 20. They are part of full access.
Yes. The LNAT Consortium has published two full papers, both from 2010, and both are free to download on our LNAT past papers page with the official mark scheme and commentary. You can also sit them on-screen here, timed and marked, with a free account. They have five options per question and five essay questions, where today's test has four and three.
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